This paper is an introduction on the Causal Theory of Memory, one of the most discussed theories in philosophy of memory in the present days. We begin with Martin & Deutscher’s formulation of the theory, in which the authors present three criteria in order for a given mental state to be considered an instance of memory, amongst them, the famous causal criterion, which stipulates that a memory must be causally connected to the past experience. Subsequently, we discuss if these criteria (...) are necessary and sufficient for memory and we present two theories that complement these criteria with an epistemic and a phenomenological criterion, i.e., the Causal Epistemic Theory and the Causal Autonoetic Theory. We then introduce the concept of memory traces, which are, according to Martin & Deutscher, the causal link between the memory and the past experience which created this memory; we present the model of traces as structural analogues and the model of distributed traces and discuss the problems which arise for each of these models of traces. Afterwards we focus on the concept of causality and present the Causal Procedural Theory, which offers a different conception of causality that does not focus on the memory traces, but on causal process itself. Lastly, we present the theory called Discontinuism, a theory about the relation between memory and imagination, which follows directly from the Causal Theory of Memory. (shrink)

O presente artigo busca situar o leitor em alguns dos debates atuais acerca da memória episódica no âmbito da filosofia da memória. A memória episódica consiste na capacidade de lembrar daquilo que o sujeito vivenciou ao longo de sua vida. Um dos maiores problemas em filosofia da memória é estabelecer o que é uma memória episódica, e distingui-la de outros estados mentais, como a imaginação. As principais teorias que visam resolver tal problema são a Teoria Causal da Memória e a (...) Teoria Simulacionista da Memória. Causalistas insistem que deve haver um vínculo causal entre uma experiência vivida pelo sujeito no passado e a memória dessa experiência. Simulacionistas, em contrapartida, sustentam que tal vínculo causal não é necessário, pois uma memória é o resultado de um processo de simulação que combina elementos de várias memórias para formar um cenário que representa a experiência passada. Outro debate em filosofia da memória trata dos objetos da memória episódica, nele busca-se descobrir com o quê entramos em contato quando lembramos de um evento passado. Nesse debate as posições filosóficas mais defendidas são o Realismo Indireto e o Realismo Direto; o primeiro afirma que entramos em contato com representações do evento passado, já o último sustenta que entramos em contato diretamente com o evento passado. Esse artigo apresenta também teorias da psicologia sobre consolidação de memórias episódicas e a teoria da Mental Time Travel, afim de embasar o leitor, respectivamente, acerca dos mecanismos formadores da memória e do debate sobre a função da memória episódica. (shrink)

À partir d’une analyse de la matérialité linguistique, cet article explore les processus de subjectivation et d’identification qui constituent le(s) sujet(s) des différentes pratiques urbaines, par rapport à l’espace de la rue et dans le cadre de disputes visant à l’affirmation d’identités socialement légitimées. Le corpus constitué pour ma recherche est de nature hétérogène, aussi bien dans sa matérialité symbolique que du point de vue de son inscription institutionnelle et de sa circulation sociale.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Love of Country and Love of God: The Political Uses of Religion in MachiavelliBenedetto Fontana*This paper will discuss the place of religion in Machiavelli’s thought. 1 The traditional and generally accepted interpretation presents Machiavelli’s religion as a belief system whose value is determined by its functional utility to the state. In this he is said to resemble Cicero, 2 Montesquieu, 3 and Tocqueville, 4 among others. This view (...) is based on the proposition—one that is now fundamental to a modern understanding of Machiavelli—that his political theory develops a politics without moral, theological, and religious foundations (what Benedetto Croce 5 calls the “autonomy of politics” and Sheldon Wolin 6 the “autonomy of political theory”). Students of Machiavelli who ascribe to him an instrumentalist theory of religion rest their interpretation on this conception of politics: a distinction is established between religion viewed as religio, and religion conceived as fides, where the former is used to develop and cement social bonds and the latter is a faith based on a transcendent “truth.”A reading of the texts shows that Machiavelli discusses various kinds of religion. He refers, for example, to multiple forms of Christianity, such as “primitive” [End Page 639] or original Christianity, 7 official, medieval Christianity, the ecclesiastical principality of the papacy, as well as to ancient Judaism, 8 paganism, and to Islam. 9 However, it is possible to discern in Machiavelli two principal or distinctive types. One is based on the opposition Machiavelli sees between the religion of the Romans (which instills virtù) and the religion of the post-classical and post-Roman Christian world (which teaches humility and passivity). The other is prophetic religion, in which Machiavelli contrasts the prophet armed to the prophet unarmed. Thus, we have prophetic religion and non-prophetic religion; the former is either armed or unarmed, and the latter is either immanent (natural) or transcendent. 10Machiavelli’s stress on the importance of virtù (whether of the prince or of the people) suggests that religion is not simply religio—that is, a political technique to rule and to control the masses. Rather, it presupposes a concern for a moral fides which, though certainly not transcendent, is nevertheless necessary to the construction of a political order based on virtù. His concern with civil and military virtue links the armed prophetic religion with that of the ancient Romans, such that ancient Judaism, Islam, and a reformed Christianity (a kind of Lutheranism ante litteram) all stand opposed to primitive and post-classical Christianity.Machiavelli anticipates in theory the national, anti-papal, and anti-imperial movements that were later realized in history by the Lutheran and Calvinist Reformations. He attempts to infuse the corrupt and decadent Christian conception of the world with a new, innovating spirit, one opposed to the prevailing medieval and scholastic conception of the world. In the past Christian philosophers and thinkers revised the classical notions of virtus and arete, transforming them into Christian concepts of value. Machiavelli attempts a similar “transvaluation of values” (Nietzsche), but for different ends and in a different direction: he reinterprets the Christian religion in order to assimilate it into his conception of virtù and his vision of a vivere civile.In the first part of this paper the relation Machiavelli establishes between “speaking with God” and the founding and/or reforming of states is explored. Parallels between Christian and pre-Christian (pagan and biblical) rulers reveal a basic ambiguity in Machiavelli’s belief that religion—that is, the claim of having spoken with God—is necessary to effective rule. In the second part [End Page 640] Machiavelli’s teaching (“new ways and methods”) is compared to Christ’s message of the “good news.” The contrast between the two is presented in terms of an opposition between different “ways of living,” each with its specific moral claims and political consequences. The opposition is not, the section argues, between logos and kratos, ethos and kratos, but rather between diverse ways of understanding logos and ethos. The final section argues that Machiavelli uses biblical, pagan, and Christian forms of religious symbols and metaphors in order to reevaluate the concepts of patria and amore. In so doing... (shrink)

A compilation of lectures by the liberal thinker Armando P. Ribas, which reflect the political philosophy in his historical, ethical, political and economic analysis. Dr. Ribas exposes the correct axiological order, thus demonstrating that the economy is merely consequential and dependent on ethics, politics, and the legal system derived from them.

La manera como Badiou muestra el mal surge de su platonismo contemporaneizado en el que prevalece la idea de verdad, pero que esta es fruto inmanente del acontecimiento. La verdad es una persistencia en el acontecimiento y solo unas formas concretas de persevera en el acontecimiento provocan la aparición del mal. Para su articulación Badiou se sirve de su aparato conceptual donde cobran vigor las cuatro condiciones de la filosofía: la política, la artística, la amorosa, y la científica.

The next origin of the generation of the 98 is inserted in the complex Spanish sociocultural panorama in the end of XIX century. "Regeneracionisme", regionalisme, the social and religious questions, the war against the U.S.A., the loss of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines, to more of the political crisis of the Restoration, are the circumstances to consider.

O artigo trata do modo como as pesquisas genealógicas de Nietzsche e de Foucault, opondo-se aos pressupostos metafísicos, engendram relações ético-políticas que escapam ao apelo de qualquer normatividade ideal ao realizar a crítica do presente. Partindo da recusa no pensamento nietzscheano da oposição de valores que forja origens sublimes desligadas da imanência das disputas mundanas, exploramos como a reconstrução das invenções históricas de valores induz à demanda por uma construção afirmativa de si mesmo. Em um segundo momento, o artigo se (...) ocupa das ressonâncias e desdobramentos da genealogia de Nietzsche no pensamento foucaultiano, analisando, principalmente, como a tarefa do diagnóstico do presente transforma a filosofia e sua forma de atuação. Por fim, concluímos com uma possibilidade de afirmação de um modo de vida outro na reflexão de Foucault sobre o movimento gay. (shrink)

ABSTRACT This article draws attention to the reception that François Fénelon's Télémaque (1699) received in England in the first half of the eighteenth century. It overturns the historiographical assumption that the Jacobites were the leading disseminators of this continental bestseller on the other side of the Channel. Even though in the English intellectual context Télémaque's framework was unorthodox, many staunch supporters of the Glorious Revolution were fascinated by the book's portrayal of a virtuous king who respects laws, rights and liberties, (...) and sacrifices himself to improve the wellbeing of his subjects. Moderate Whigs - who included several Huguenot refugees - capitalised on the poem's esprit du roi in order both to celebrate the English kings and to construct the ‘Myth of Louis XIV' as an example of how a sovereign should not rule. The study of the book's reception thus presents a somewhat emblematic case study from which to view the genesis of ‘Englishness', that of an ideological discourse largely based on a process of overturning. In addition, the Télémaque responded to the thirst for ‘useful Knowledge' that distinguished the advocates of ‘politeness' and, not least, its mild pedagogical approach rendered it a precious resource for the ‘moderation’ of the youth. (shrink)

Armando P. Ribas was born in Ciego de vila, Cuba, in 1932 and died in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 2020. In 1956 he graduated as a Juris Doctor from Saint Thomas of Villanova University in Havana, Cuba. He later studied Law and Economics at Southern Methodist University and Columbia University in the United States. In Argentina, he worked as a journalist and economist and from 1889 to 1990 and was a Deputy in that country. This book clearly explains the (...) ethical and non-economic antagonism between socialism and the misnamed capitalism, as well as the importance of liberty for the individual to achieve prosperity with justice and solidarity. The " illuminism" fallacy clearly emerges from the work as a pretense of the course of reason in history. This explains how obscurantism arising from the confusion between reason and truth caused greater crimes in the West than the Manichean virtues of the Middle Ages. It explains the fundamental discrepancy between the reason of state, prevailing in Europe and the "rule of law" of Americans. The latter changed for the first time in history the relationship between the government and the citizen in defense of individual rights: to life, liberty, property and the search for their own happiness. Ribas also expands on the analysis of economic ideas, which, detached from private rights, have caused the recent failures of "democracies south of the Rio Grande." This book allows us to understand to a great extent the evolution and problems of the world that we have had to live, between the supposed globalization and the reality of terrorism. But just as he points out the problems, he also teaches the ways in which individual prosperity can be achieved for all men who know how to use their freedom. Armando Ribas has been pointed out as the most liberal of Cubans and also of Argentines, since he had two homelands in his life. (shrink)

Il n'est pas fruit du hasard cette rencontre qui a précédé l'édition de ce livre. Les rapports entre philosophes français et catalans viennent de loin. Le XIXe était modèle des "voyages philosophiques". Est parmi les plus connus celui de Cousin en Allemagne. Moins connus, mais également fructifères étaient ceux des philosophes exilés qui partirent sous les régimes de persécutions pour trouver en France non seulement un lieu d'accueil, mais également l'opportunité de confrontation de leurs idées avec celles des philosophes français. (...) De la même manière, certains exilés de la commune avaient trouvé un lieu d'accueil dans la Barcelone révolutionnaire des années républicaines. Ces rencontres n'ont jamais totalement fini de se produire au long du XXe siècle, période au cours de laquelle l'exil avait constitué la manière d'échapper à une morte sûre dans l'Espagne de la guerre civile. La période actuelle vit une nouvelle revitalisation des échanges, et ce livre en est un exemple."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

The folding of RNA sequences into secondary structures is a simple yet biophysically grounded model of a genotype–phenotype map. Its computational and mathematical analysis has uncovered a surprisingly rich statistical structure characterized by shape space covering, neutral networks and plastogenetic congruence. I review these concepts and discuss their evolutionary implications. BioEssays 24:1164–1177, 2002. © 2002 Wiley‐Periodicals, Inc.

Leibniz was writing his "Discourse on the Natural Theology of the Chinese" as the Leibniz-Clarke Controversy developed. Both were terminated by his death. These two fronts show interesting doctrinal correlations. The first is Leibniz' concern for the "decadence of natural religion." The dispute with Clarke began with it, and the Discourse is a defense of Chinese natural religion in order to show its agreement with Christian natural religion. The Controversy can be summed up as "clockmaker God versus idle God." Leibniz (...) wants to escape from the perverse consequences that all criticism of divine voluntarism seems to cause. Thus, his elaboration is directed at a distinct concept of a God that rules without interposing, a supramundane intelligence. And the Leibnizian interpretation of the natural theology of the Chinese can be viewed the same way: it emphasizes a First Principle, Li, which rules without interposing. (shrink)

: Leibniz was writing his Discourse on the Natural Theology of the Chinese as the Leibniz-Clarke Controversy developed. Both were terminated by his death. These two fronts show interesting doctrinal correlations. The first is Leibniz' concern for the ''decadence of natural religion.'' The dispute with Clarke began with it, and the Discourse is a defense of Chinese natural religion in order to show its agreement with Christian natural religion. The Controversy can be summed up as ''clockmaker God versus idle God.'' (...) Leibniz wants to escape from the perverse consequences that all criticism of divine voluntarism seems to cause. Thus, his elaboration is directed at a distinct concept of a God that rules without interposing, a supramundane intelligence. And the Leibnizian interpretation of the natural theology of the Chinese can be viewed the same way: it emphasizes a First Principle, Li, which rules without interposing. (shrink)

Local supplier corporate social responsibility in developing countries represents a powerful tool to improve labour conditions. This paper pursues an inter-organizational network approach to the global value chain literature to understand the influence of suppliers’ collective behaviour on their CSR engagement. This exploratory study of 30 export-oriented and first-tier apparel suppliers in Bangladesh, a developing country, makes three relevant contributions to GVC scholarship. First, we show that suppliers are interlinked in a horizontal network that restricts unilateral CSR engagement. This is (...) justified in that unilateral CSR engagement is a source of heterogeneity in labour practices; consequently, it triggers worker unrest. Second, we present and discuss an exploratory framework based on four scenarios of how suppliers currently engage in CSR given their network’s pressure toward collective behaviour: unofficial CSR engagement, geographic isolation, size and competitive differentiation, and external pressure. Finally, we show the need to spread CSR homogeneously among suppliers and to reconceptualize the meaning of CSR in developing countries, encouraging more scrutiny toward horizontal dynamics. (shrink)

Michel de Montaigne is principally known today as a literary figure--the inventor of the modern essay and the pioneer of autobiographical self-exploration who retired from politics in midlife to write his private, philosophical, and apolitical Essais. But, as Biancamaria Fontana argues in Montaigne's Politics, a novel, vivid account of the political meaning of the Essais in the context of Montaigne's life and times, his retirement from the Bordeaux parliament in 1570 "could be said to have marked the beginning, rather (...) than the end, of his public career." He later served as mayor of Bordeaux and advisor to King Henry of Navarre, and, as Fontana argues, Montaigne's Essais very much reflect his ongoing involvement and preoccupation with contemporary politics--particularly the politics of France's civil wars between Catholics and Protestants. Fontana shows that the Essais, although written as a record of Montaigne's personal experiences, do nothing less than set forth the first major critique of France's ancien régime, anticipating the main themes of Enlightenment writers such as Voltaire and Diderot. Challenging the views that Montaigne was politically aloof or evasive, or that he was a conservative skeptic and supporter of absolute monarchy, Fontana explores many of the central political issues in Montaigne's work--the reform of legal institutions, the prospects of religious toleration, the role of public opinion, and the legitimacy of political regimes. (shrink)

Instalada na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) logo após o golpe civil-militar 1964, a Comissão Especial de Investigação Sumária (Ceis) teve como objetivo investigar ações consideradas subversivas, envolvendo professores, funcionários e estudantes. A presente pesquisa buscou saber como tal acontecimento é hoje relembrado por alguns estudantes da época, diretamente envolvidos naquele contexto. Para a busca de dados, optou-se pela História Oral, coletando narrativas de cinco sujeitos, além de pesquisa documental: atas, fichas de informações, ofícios e matérias no (...) jornal Correio do Povo. Para fundamentar a análise, foram utilizados referenciais advindos de Alistair Thompson, entre outros. Além de abordar situações da repressão instalada na universidade, o texto também apresenta alguns desdobramentos acerca do processo de pesquisa que adota a memória como fonte a ser considerada no processo analítico. (shrink)

This essay examines the place of Sallust in Machiavelli's political theory. Such an examination is necessary and fruitful for two basic reasons. First, the interpretative and secondary literature on Machiavelli's classical sources has neglected, with very few exceptions, the influence and role Sallust may have played in the formulation of Machiavelli's thinking. Second, the essay argues that Sallust is important to Machiavelli's attempt to recover republican liberty. At the core of Machiavelli's project to discover 'new modes and orders' is the (...) fundamental Roman republican antithesis between libertas and dominatio. The very critique of dominatio presupposes a conception of libertas without which such a critique would be impossible. Sallust is a useful source for Machiavelli's inquiry into the political, social and military determinants foRA vivere libero e civile. Elements of such a political life are prefigured in Sallust's conception of republican politics, where 'cives cum civibus de virtute certabant' -- that is, where robust competition and healthy conflict express the virtus and the bonae artes of the body politic. In effect, Sallust is important to Machiavelli both as a historian who provides a useful critique of monarchy and despotism, and as a source through which Machiavelli is able to develop his conception of politics in general, and of republican politics in particular. (shrink)